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Detail of contribution

Auteur: Dominique SPORTICHE

No Phrasal Match: all restrictive relative clauses are head raising

Abstract/Résumé: There are three proposals regarding how restrictive relative clauses are built: Head Raising, Matching, and a combination of both depending on the properties of the relative clause. This last view has become most prominent due to U. Sauerland's work in particular. I will propose that all (restrictive) relative clauses are derived by head raising. I will show that all the (real indeed) differences between relative clauses Sauerland documents can be accounted for in terms of scopal properties of the head of the relative clauses and properties of movement trace (copy) interpretation independently justified by reconstruction in A-movement cases. I will also argue that the resulting theory is more restrictive, hence more explanatory. If all (restrictive) relatives are head raising, one consequence is that Lebeaux's famous proposal regarding his treatment of Adjunct / Argument reconstruction asymmetries in terms of Late Adjunct Insertion cannot possibly be correct, a conclusion I will show to be independently justified by DP internal syntax. An alternative is proposed based on the theory of trace (copy) interpretation.